By Dennis Ignatius,前驻外大使、
国家团结或是马来霸权
In recent days there has been an avalanche of comments on whether the government should recognise the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) issued by the 61 independent (private) Chinese schools that still survive.
近日有雪崩式有关政府应否承认统考文凭的评论,这是由全马61间慬存独中颁发的文凭。
Currently, it is not recognised by local public universities as an entry requirement though local private institutions and some foreign universities do.
目前,这项文凭除了本地私立大专与某些外国大专承认有接纳入学之外,本地公立大学却不给以承认。
Both Umno-BN and Pakatan Harapan (PH) had promised in their respective manifestos to recognise it albeit with conditionalities (Bahasa Malaysia, for example).
競选期间,巫统/国阵与希盟两大阵营都各自在競选宣言里公告可有条件(例如国文必需优等)情形下承认统考。
Malay rights groups are now working themselves into a frenzy warning that UEC recognition would endanger national unity, jeopardise the existing harmony in the country, endanger the Malay race, undermine sovereignty, and even impact civilisation (whatever that means).
当前各种马来维权組织正在狂燥情绪下发出警告,扬言承认统考将会危及国家团结与破坏当今的种族和諧,触犯国家主权,甚至冲激文明(绪如此类的言论)。
Pawn on a chessboard 棋盘马前卒
Listening to all these shrill warnings makes you wonder if they are referencing some weapon of mass destruction rather than a simple examination certificate.
尖锐的警告使人联想到一張普通考试文凭竟然被喻成是大规模杀傷性武器。
It is mindboggling that a simple examination certificate issued by a declining number of private schools (comprising less than 2.5% of the total number of secondary schools in the country) has the potential to do so much damage.
全国位于式微中的独立中学只占百分之二点五,竟然可以颁发出文凭,足以发挥这么大的杀伤力的确令人匪夷所思。
But letʼs be honest: this whole brouhaha over UEC recognition is not really about national unity or even education policy but about Malay supremacy. The truth, the ugly truth, is that the UEC issue is merely a pawn on the chessboard of a much wider battle that has assumed fresh urgency in the wake of Umnoʼs defeat in the last election.
让我们诚实以对:发动这場对抗承认统考的鬧剧日的是彰扬马来霸权,无关国家团结或教育政策,事实上承认统考这项课题一成了巫统新败气急败坏下来操弄民粹的棋子。
Malay supremacists see the election defeat as a setback for the so-called Malay agenda and are pushing back. In essence, it is an argument about the kind of nation Malaysia should be: a nation built on equality and justice for all or an apartheid-like one based on Malay exceptionalism. Malay supremacists tend to see everything as a zero-sum game. They donʼt see the appointment of nonMalays to high office (Chief Justice, Attorney-General) as a plus for national unity and inclusiveness but as a setback for Malay power.
马来霸权份子认为败选後马来议程受到挫败而作出反击。準确的说是攸关大马建国体制:到底是用平等开放还是以唯我独尊的马来霸权种族隔离的方式来治理同家。马来霸权主义者视一切为零和遊戲,他们认为委任非马来人任高職(大法官、个律政)作为宽容和团结国家的措施是不加分的,反之是对马来人权利的挫折。
They donʼt see the non-Malay faces in Cabinet as a welcome reflection of our diversity but as an assault on their right to rule exclusively (sans some tokenism to belie their racism).
他们不殷切把内阁里非马来人部長视为反映多元,而将之视为打压种族优先感和会使霸权专政受到威脅。
Theyʼd rather have dishonest men of the ‘rightʼ race in key positions than good men of the ‘wrongʼ race.
他们宁可找「正确种族亅而不诚实人去领导,而不去提拔有才干的外族人。
In their calculus, every step forward for the non-Malays is a step backward for the Malays, every concession made, a threat to their very existence.
在他们的计算里,非马来人的進步就是马来人的退步,任何的对非马来人让步则威脅到他们的生存。
With them, there is no compromise, no common ground, nothing left over to share.
他们认定一切不可妥恊,没有共识,任何事物皆不可分享。
Even their definition of terms like national unity and harmony differs from its common usage –unity means respect for Malay supremacy; harmony means non-Malay acceptance of their inferior position.
他们认定的国家团结和种族和谐定义乃有别於普世认知:他们认为团结就是服从马来霸权,和谐就是非马来人须接受儘管是弱势的他们。
Of course, it is also a fight for the right to plunder the nationʼs resources and enrich themselves at the expense of the very people they claim to be fighting for.
当然,看来他们以捍卫其种族利益之名而爭而实则上掠夺国家资源自肥。
Sheer hypocrisy They have fed on their own bile for so long that it has blinded them to reality and taken them to new heights of hypocrisy.
这是伪君子行为,这么長久时间食随知味已经瞎了眼晴,进展到很不堪的极端地步。
And so, they look the other way while the countryʼs sovereignty is progressively imperilled by indebtedness from dubious deals with China but get worked up by imaginary threats to sovereignty posed by a mere examination certificate.
与中国签署暧味条款,勾结典当经济主权不当是一回事,现在卻在转移视线,对一張教育文凭大作文章,大放厥词,把妄想谎话说成国家主权受到威脅。
They protest about foreign interference when the US Department of Justice investigates MO1 for the largest action ever undertaken under the US Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative, but have nothing to say about recent revelations that the former government had secretly appealed to the US for help to cling to power in the event they lost the popular vote.
只会对美国司法部揭露大马一哥盗窃国家财富的丑闻大事叫囂,但对败选前夕危危欲堕的政权欲向美国求助一事则沉默无言。
They make a fuss about Chinese education but donʼt seem to notice the rising number of international schools in the country offering British, American, Australian or Arab national curricula.
对华文教育小题大作,但欲无视国内越来越多各种由英国、美国、澳洲与阿拉伯所提供个别国家课纲。
They have no problem accepting foreign curricula but get their knickers in a knot over the curriculum of a declining number of local Chinese schools.
他们可以接受外国课纲,但欲不理性而忿怒对待日益式微的华校。
They howl and scream against Chinese education at home but quietly send their sons to China to study.
在国内表面上对华教哮咆叫囂,但私下把孩子送去中国留学。
A sham construct 虚假操作
Their whole argument against UEC recognition (as well as related issues) is simply a sham construct, a fig leaf to cover the racism that lurks behind it.
只会用虚拟论述造假去反对承认统考,其实是在遮掩种族主义的真象。
To be sure, they themselves donʼt really believe all the allegations they tirelessly throw about, but it is useful to stir up the masses and generate the outrage they need to pressure the PH government into acceding to the socalled Malay agenda while plotting their own return to power.
事实上他们自己也不完全相信自己抛出的指责,欲会用这些谎语来鼓动群众与制造仇恨,以求逼使希盟政府就范,接受马来霸权议程与为日後重返执政铺路。
After all, who really believes that the Malays are about to be “bastardised” in their own country as former Prime Minister Najib Razak warned recently (and this from the very man who did more to “bastardise” the nation than anyone else).
到头来谁会相信马来人会被称为混蛋,这个称号还是前首相纳吉用来警告马来人的字句(其实把人混蛋化的正是前首相本人)。
Or that Christianity is about to become the official religion of the country, as Umno Supreme Council member Lokman Noor Adam claims.
除此之外,巫统最高理事会成员阿当还宣称基督教将会成为国教。
They know its all fake news but they are more than willing to spread it to fuel fears and exploit insecurities for the sake of power; national unity be damned.
他们当然知道是假新闻但很乐意去散播此类信,目的是要在群众不安的危机中夺回政权。所作所为都是破坏国家的团结。
How will PH respond? Undoubtedly, Malay supremacist groups now pose the biggest challenge to the PH government and the reform agenda.
希盟政府如何应对?毫无疑问,这群马来极端份子的挑战正在威胁政府的运作与改革议程。
How PH responds to this challenge will determine not only the very character of our nation going forward but, quite possibly, the outcome of the next election.
政府如何去应付这些挑战必会影响这个国家的進程,甚至下屆普选。
For a start, PH leaders need to go on the offensive to rebut the unfounded and nonsensical allegations being made by Malay supremacists. Fabricated allegations and false charges must not be allowed to stand.
建议当政领袖须主动反驳些由极端份子散播不实的指责,谎言与虚假指责必须取諦。
As well, they need to do a far better job convincing the rural heartland that, far from weakening race and religion, the reforms now under way will benefit them more than anyone else, that having a clean government staffed by capable, honest and accountable leaders dedicated to enriching the nation instead of themselves is in the best interests of all Malaysians.
现任领导者应致力向乡间居民告之,改革不会削弱马来人的利益与宗教信仰,反之一个由有能力,有担当和有清廉理念领导人组成的政府,必会使国家富强,利及所有的马来西亚人 。
Ultimately, the biggest contribution that the PH government can make to the future of our nation will be to moderate a national conversation on how our nation will be defined and the steps that must be taken to get there.
希盟政府盼望以中庸态度作全国性沟通,如何去定义这个国家以及采取什么步骤去达致目标。
After decades of racism and bigotry, it wonʼt be easy, but ignoring it is no longer an option.
国家经历了数十年种族与徧激主义,改之不易,漠视绝对不是正确的选择。
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